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Felia Allum, Stan Gilmour and Catherine Hemmings

A man in his thirties with black hair sits behind a desk. He is a former Camorrista who held an important role in his clan because he was one of the clan’s mediators with local politicians. He is unforgiving of politicians: ‘the ambition of all politicians is to “arrive”,without looking anyone in the eye . . . honestly or dishonestly, the important thing is to arrive’ (interview 1, 1997, p. 3). But then, he explains that politicians were often only manipulated by the Mafiosi in their quest for public contracts and funds: the tendering process for public contracts is organised by the local council, the decisions are taken by a board of councillors, the mayor and his deputy; all these people took orders from us. We knew from the start which contract we wanted to win and then, we would approach them through important people, influential people in the town. For example, builders or councillors, individuals who could approach certain people. We would manipulate the tendering process in our favour, indeed . . . we already knew who would win the contract, we knew who would do what, how much and when. (ibid.)

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Timo Kivimäki

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Edited by Hans-Joachim Giessmann, Roger Mac Ginty, Beatrix Austin and Christine Seifert

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Hans J. Giessmann and Roger Mac Ginty

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Edited by Michael Heazle and Andrew O’Neil

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Gregory White

The invocation of “climate refugees” as an inevitable outcome of climate change is now commonplace. For environmentalists on the political left, migrants displaced by anthropogenic climate change represent the “human face of climate change.” For the military and intelligence agencies, climate refugees pose a security threat since they will inevitably cross borders. Migration studies, however, cast doubt on the empirical validity of climate refugees; indeed, climate change may actually impede peoples’ abilities to move, especially great distances. In the end, injecting climate refugees into analyses of the expected impact of climate change supports a deepening anticipation of insecurity and abets militarization and a logic of border security.

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Ricard Zapata-Barrero and Lorenzo Gabrielli

This chapter analyzes the ethical implications of the securitization of migration, both in political discourse and policy practice, with a particular focus on border politics and admission policies. The chapter begins with an overview of recent literature on the ethics of migration from the angle of security. We demonstrate that there has emerged in recent years – in particular following the Seville European Council of 2002 – a growing tendency to treat origin countries as co-responsible for migration management. In tandem with this growing tendency, the scholarly world has fostered an increased interest in linking the actions of origin and reception states; recent studies in this vein have investigated circular migration, policy externalization, surveillance-based migration control, the migration–development nexus, and the notion of integration as a three-way process. Some other (largely international- and human rights-oriented) studies also incorporate a third actor that has heretofore been largely ignored by both the receiving and the origin countries: the migrant. We argue that, even if the framework has changed, destination states still monopolize the domain of security. Among the frameworks we examine in detail in this chapter include the picture of the Mediterranean Sea, termed by some the Mare Mortum, and the case of refugees vis-à-vis the growing European concern surrounding escapees from cruel wars.

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Roxanne Lynn Doty

This chapter examines the immigrant detention system in the United States with a particular focus on the relatively recent phenomenon of family detention. The number of individuals detained in the United States for immigration reasons has increased dramatically over the past few decades and especially so under the Obama administration. ICE’s (Immigration and Customs Enforcement) Office of Enforcement and Removal Operations (ERO) operates the largest detention and supervised release program in the country, using over 300 detention centers nationwide. Many of these are owned and/or operated by private corporations. The practice of detaining entire families including very young children began in 2006 and continues to the present. This chapter focuses on this situation within the broader immigrant detention complex and highlights the consequences of locking up children, the efforts to end this system and who benefits by it.

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Lauren Wilcox

This chapter critically examines the role of gender in contemporary securitized migration regimes, particularly insofar as such regimes are based upon a biometric ‘reading’ of bodies as the signifier of truth, safety, and security of ‘mobile individuals’. Security has become equated with transparency over the human body, particularly of ‘bodies in movement’. ‘The ‘body in movement’ is a key topic of feminist and queer analyses of migration regimes. This ‘body in movement’ takes on multiple meanings given the instability of the body to provide a stable signifier of gender despite various attempts by the state to secure gender via the regulation of moving bodies. I argue that migration regimes are first, a site for the regulation of gender in a way that also cannot be separated from racial assumptions in which what counts as ‘normal’ embodiment is inscribed in biometric devices, algorithms and the practices that surround their use. Second, gender and sexuality sites for regulation have led non-heterosexual and trans- identities becoming regulatory categories themselves, with consequences for those whose embodied experiences does not conform to expectation. Further, that gender has become securitized, with its consequences for the gender-nonconforming bodies, especially racialized bodies. As migration becomes increasingly criminalized, the security–migration nexus has become a site of increasing insecurity for non-gender conforming people in vast carceral networks.