The paper discusses policy-induced or planned migration of ethnic minorities in Guizhou province. The migration program in Guizhou, which may be the most ambitious program of this kind in China, started in 2012 and proposes to relocate 2 million of ethnically diverse population from their rural home villages to resettle in nearby towns and cities. I visited some of their villages and the settlements. The paper focuses on ethnic migrants and cultural issues of resettlement.
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This chapter focuses on home-based economic activities (HBEAs) in two Caribbean cities. These income-generating activities are financially, socially and spatially strongly integrated within the household. In the Global South they are, after paid work, the most often performed type of livelihood activity. HBEAs vary in terms of type of activity, the role they play in livelihoods, and how space, skills, labour and funds are used in their operation. The chapter addresses the relationship between HBEAs and the institutions and social relations functioning at the neighbourhood level. It asks how these neighbourhood relations are shaped by the role HBEAs play in household livelihoods and by their patterns of operation. Empirical findings show that for HBEAs neighbourhood relationships are extremely complex and provide HBEAs with huge benefits but also pose core constraints. Most HBEAs rely on the community for their market. Positive aspects for the operators are general support by community members and the familiarity with and short distance to the market. On the negative side, the neighbourhood as market is small and has limited purchasing power. Operators are forced to sell goods very cheaply, have to deal with huge competition and need to provide unreliable credit. They are limited in their ambition to grow because this will trigger negative reactions from neighbours. HBEAs that are informal and provide modest and supplementary incomes and have the community as a market are much more affected by neighbourhood relations than HBEAs that operate in a more formal manner.
Margaret Maurer-Fazio, Rachel Connelly and Ngoc-Han Thi Tran
China’s linguistic and geographic diversity leads many Chinese individuals to identify themselves and others not simply as Chinese, but rather by their native place and provincial origin. Negative personality traits are often attributed to people from specific areas. People from Henan, in particular, appear to be singled out as possessing a host of negative traits. Such prejudice does not necessarily lead to wage discrimination. Whether or not it does depends on the nature of the local labour markets. This chapter uses data from the 2008 and 2009 migrant surveys of the Rural-Urban Migration in China Project (RUMiC) to explore whether native-place wage discrimination affects migrant workers in China’s urban labour markets. We analyse the question of wage discrimination among migrants by estimating wage equations for men and women, controlling for human capital characteristics, province of origin, and destination city. Of key interest here are the variables representing provinces of origin. We find no systematic differences by province of origin in the hourly wages of male and female migrants. However, in a few specific cases, we find that migrants from a particular province earn significantly less than those from local areas. Male migrants from Henan in Shanghai are paid much less than their fellow migrants from Anhui. In the Jiangsu cities of Nanjing and Wuxi, female migrants from Anhui are paid much less than migrants from other parts of Jiangsu.
Xiao Niu and Tim Turpin
This chapter is based on a study of international mobility and migration of Chinese scientists moving between China and Australia. It investigates the social dynamics of relationship building between scientists working across the two countries. Chinese scientists in Australia provide an important human resource for science and technological development. However, this chapter also documents their capacity to maintain and extend scientific networks in their home country. Researchers in both countries build, maintain and extend their scientific networks that endure beyond their physical location in one country or the other. The concept of dual identities is a common feature among transnational migrants. Chinese respondents in this study reflected a ‘global scientist’ identity but also a more localized Chinese identity. While the two identities and associated roles co-exist, Chinese scientists have the choice of responding more to one or the other as they managed their relationships with colleagues, friends and employers. Chinese scientists in Australia utilize their different identities to navigate professional and social networks involving their home country, the Chinese diaspora in Australia and elsewhere, and scientists and colleagues of other backgrounds. They are contributing to the expansion of diaspora knowledge networks as well as global dispersed knowledge networks. While they recognize and respond to their Chinese identity in dealing with scientists in China, their research partners in China are also findings ways to meet expectations in the West. Thus both sides are trying to find a common place to establish and maintain relationships. Far from being constrained within either component of their dual identity these mobile scientists negotiate their progress through their careers making strategic decisions through a process of social exchange. The process involves scientists, their colleagues, employing institutions and their national science systems.
William A. V. Clark
Neighbourhoods are an enduring part of the wider urban structure and behaviours within it. Those spatial structures are an important defining aspect of where we live and how we live, and, even as our behaviours change with emerging technology and opportunities, they are still central to our lives. Although entrepreneurial activity in residential neighbourhoods is relatively new, this chapter suggests how growing home-based businesses are probably elements of change in urban neighbourhoods. In particular it re-examines the work–residence relationship in the light of growing ‘work-at-home’ behaviour, which of course is intimately connected with the internet and its reach. The chapter argues that the creation of cheap and ubiquitous computing is in part fuelling the home-based industry growth. Just how deep and far the internet explosion is driving home-based businesses is as yet unclear, but there is no doubt that software development has revolutionised much of the entrepreneurial activity, including that which is apparent in home-based activities. The chapter draws on US Census data for metropolitan areas. It argues that neighbourhoods are the context within which we organise our work–residence relationships and that they are probably undergoing a new set of changes with the emergence of home-based entrepreneurial activity. Digital technology is changing the way we work and the likelihood of home-based entrepreneurial activity, even if it is only for a selected population.
This chapter examines the place of the neighbourhood in relation to entrepreneurial processes. It explores these processes from the perspective of research on housing and neighbourhoods, and it does so with a particular interest in more deprived neighbourhoods and the potential for entrepreneurial activities to contribute to the regeneration of these locations. The chapter argues that the neighbourhood retains an important place in daily lives as a realm of social interaction and relationships. It explores how the neighbourhood may influence entrepreneurial processes in a number of ways. It looks at the neighbourhood as a potential influence on attitudes to entrepreneurship and the decision to start a business, and in terms of the environment or resources it provides for entrepreneurial success, including resources accessed through social capital or networks. It also examines how entrepreneurial concerns may impact on neighbourhood choice and hence the consequences for sorting processes. In relation to more deprived neighbourhoods, it argues that it is difficult to avoid the general conclusion that these have not only less entrepreneurial potential by virtue of the population, but also a more difficult environment. Nevertheless, it concludes that we should not understate the importance or the potential of entrepreneurial activities for deprived neighbourhoods, and that we should recognise diverse forms of entrepreneurship which are already an asset in these areas.
Confronted with complex dynamics such as global warming or food insecurities, decision-makers need to rely on the educated advice of specialists. At the same time, however, citizens question the role of expertise in society more than ever. Both tendencies can be observed: the expertization of democracy and the democratization of expertise. This chapter aims at critically exploring the relationships among science, policy and society. In taking up the problems and paradoxes of policy expertise, key questions are addressed: How is policy expertise generated, communicated and justified? How do cultural contexts shape and constrain the politics of policy expertise? How can we explain changes? To answer these questions the view of ‘political epistemology’ is adopted: Expertise is conceptualized as a nexus of authority attributions embedded in discursive and institutional cultures. It is also argued that in the post-national constellation these arrangements increasingly come under pressure. This opens up opportunities for a critical re-examination of public knowledge production.
Think-tanks have become prominent organizations in political processes at national and international levels. They are widely praised for their capacity to conduct policy-relevant research, for their ability to innovate, and to reach out to practicing politicians. Critiques have pointed out that many think-tanks do not contribute research in any real sense, and frequently serve elite, government or business interests instead. Although the two perspectives are clearly contradictory, a comprehensive treatment of the politics of policy think-tanks can reconcile different views by way of, firstly, recognizing different types of think-tanks, and their diverse roles in particular policy communities at various stages in policy processes. Secondly, beyond the analytic distinction of different types of think-tanks, the political dimension of the knowledge and expertise produced and processed by think-tanks needs to be recognized and analyzed. A historical and social network analytical approach to study individual policy think-tanks as well as policy think-tank networks can be employed to clarify resources relevant to think-tank knowledge production, inter alia specific academic, political, corporate or ideological backgrounds, in addition to qualities and contributions of the expertise disseminated by think-tanks. This is demonstrated by way of revisiting, firstly, the deregulation battles in the United States in the late 1970s and early 1980s, and secondly, some of the environmental policy battles of the recent past. In each case think-tanks were or are prominently involved in various constructive and destructive policy efforts, and can be observed playing powerful and sometimes critical roles not necessarily in conjunction with the academic quality of the knowledge they help to advance. A critical approach to think-tank politics and the recognition of the political character of knowledge in turn can improve policy deliberation and decision making because of the efforts involved to advance greater transparency and accountability of policy actors on the one hand and the critical understanding of knowledge resources on the other hand.
David Howarth and Steven Griggs
Explanations of policy change have generated a number of perennial stand-offs between those who privilege ideas and those who advance interests, or those who foreground agency and those who turn to structures. This chapter rejects such binary oppositions. It demonstrates how poststructuralist discourse theory offers a novel articulation or synthesis of the role of ideas, interests, agency and structures in accounts of policy change. More specifically, it recognises the centrality of politics and power in the forging, sustenance and grip of policy frames or discourses in particular social and historical contexts. In substantive theoretical terms, this emphasis involves the articulation of the concept of hegemony to account for the emergence and formation of policy discourses, and the recognition of the constitutive character of rhetoric, while drawing on Lacanian psychoanalysis and the category of fantasy to account for the stabilisation and grip of policies. In conclusion, the chapter underlines the complexity of the different elements that need to be brought together in order to explain policy change, seeking to trigger debates as to how we might begin to grasp and render comprehensible the ‘messiness’ of the policy process and the practices of policy-makers.