Migration has been intensifying and diversifying since the 1990s. According to the United Nations International Migration Report, there were 244 million international migrants in 2015 – 10 per cent more than only five years earlier, in 2010 (international migrants are here defined as people living in a given country who are either foreign born or have foreign citizenship). Of these, more than two-thirds (71 per cent) lived in high-income countries, while the developing regions hosted 29 per cent of the world’s total international migrant population. Socio-economic transformations such as those induced and intensified by globalisation processes are usually drivers of increased international migration. They intensify grievances and opportunities that lead people to seek better living and working opportunities in distant lands while also facilitating transport and communication. This Handbook focuses on the dynamics that link migration and globalisation processes from economic, social, political and cultural perspectives, looking at the challenges that emerge for labour markets, welfare systems, families and cultures, and institutions and governance arrangements as well as norms. This introduction discusses in detail, and with reference to the relevant literature, the interconnection between migration and globalisation, and presents the structure of the Handbook.
This chapter offers a critical analysis of the policies and practices pertaining to the international human rights of migrants in a globalising world. An overview of the current normative and institutional framework is provided with a view to examining some of the major achievements in the field of migrants’ human rights protection at international and regional levels, in particular in Europe. The chapter highlights how State sovereignty involves a duty for that State to protect everyone under its jurisdiction, including migrants, regardless of their legal status. It is argued that despite the existence of an increasingly sophisticated human rights protection framework, States implement restrictive migration policies and practices that engender violations of the migrants’ human rights. It is ultimately argued that migration and asylum policies are dominated by States’ concerns over the security of their borders, domestic political sensitivities and economic interests.
Shoshana Fine and Antoine Pécoud
International organisations (IOs) have been increasingly involved in the field of migration policy since the 1990s. While immigration policy remains closely associated with State sovereignty, IOs’ growing involvement has resulted in novel patterns of migration governance that are often referred to as ‘global’, ‘multilevel’ or ‘multilayered’. This chapter surveys the key players in such multilevel migration governance, drawing on IOs and on regional organisations. It provides a historical account of IOs’ role and explores changes since the 1990s, marked not only by substantial developments in IOs’ role in migration policy but also by a fragmentation of their efforts. It sheds light on what IOs do, distinguishing between expertise/discourses and actual practices. A central argument is that IOs’ interventions are characterized by a tension between their role as promoters of global standards in the interests of all parties and their dependency on a handful of Western migration-receiving States in the developed world.
Oleg Korneev and Karolina Kluczewska
This chapter looks at the role of the globalised third sector in migration governance, and presents major theoretical and empirical contributions focusing on different aspects of the third sector’s, often ambiguous, role in migration politics and policy. It starts with a discussion on the third sector’s growing involvement in the migration field, then proceeds with an analysis of the third sector as new governors aspiring to shape migration regimes regionally and globally. The chapter uncovers complex patterns of interactions between the third sector and other actors in global migration governance, paying attention to aspects such as financial dependence of the third sector on donors, subordinated politics and competition for funding and prestige. The picture that emerges from this chapter indicates that the third sector is far from being and acting as a unified actor in migration governance.
Diego Acosta and Luisa Feline Freier
The extraordinarily liberal discourses on immigration and migrants’ rights that South American governments have embarked on since 2000, led to progressive policy initiatives at the national and regional level. In interregional comparison, these developments stand in contrast to recent debates on freedom of movement and refugee flows in the EU in the context of the increase of asylum applications since 2015, and the 2016 Brexit referendum in the UK. Within the region, they mark an important turning point from a historical perspective. This chapter offers an overview of recent developments in migration governance in South America at both the regional and national level. Rather surprisingly, very few studies have thus far touched on the South American experience. Apart from addressing this geographic gap in the literature, we will further suggest that an ideational approach is necessary to understand migration policy change on both the domestic and regional level. The conclusion highlights room for further research.
Marie McAuliffe and Alexandra Masako Goossens
By its very nature international migration is a transnational phenomenon that operates beyond the regulation of any one State. And yet, paradoxically, almost all governance of international migration globally rests with individual sovereign States. Historically, it could be argued that this situation presented few difficulties for modern nation-States given the considerable power that rested with them – political, economic, social and cultural – and an often highly circumscribed ability of people to migrate independently. There has been, however, a significant increase in international movement spurred by greater access to physical and virtual interconnectedness through accessible transportation links and rapid growth in telecommunications technology. Immigration and border management policies and practices have evolved rapidly. However, migrants themselves, along with other non-State actors, are less confined by geography than perhaps ever before. This chapter discusses the implications of transportation and telecommunications advances on the regulation of international migration in an era of increasing interconnectedness.
International labour migration has been a central feature of Southeast Asian labour history since the 1870s, consistent with Southeast Asia’s greater integration into the international economy, European imperialism and the colonial administrations’ labour requirements. Following decolonisation, the independent Southeast Asian states passed restrictive legislation to halt unskilled Asian labour migration. After the 1970s, labour migration again assumed new Asian and regional migration patterns that have underscored ethnicity, nationality, gender and the migrant workers’ skills. This chapter first reviews colonial migration policies and trans-Asian migration patterns. It then interrogates and investigates the current migration policies of key ASEAN states, the ‘new’ guest worker systems and the diversity of the bilateral relations between sending and receiving countries. It also addresses issues concerning the exploitation and vulnerability of migrant workers, especially foreign domestic workers, who often experience frequent breaches of contract and fraudulent practices.
This chapter surveys the governance of migration in Europe and efforts to deal with the fragmentation that is an inherent feature of a policy field that includes very different types of migration as well as differing institutional contexts for the management of migration in European countries. To assess the causes and effects of fragmentation, the chapter asks three questions. First, how can the relationship between migration and governance be conceptualized? Second, how can governance be defined and this definition applied to European migration governance? Third, what is the relationship between the post-2012 migration/refugee crisis and European migration governance? To address these questions, the chapter pays close attention to the understandings of migration held by élite actors within European migration governance systems. It is argued that these understandings – and the factors that influence them – can act as powerful drivers of migration governance in Europe.
Ilse van Liempt
As Castles and Miller have rightly noted, we are living in an ‘Age of Migration’ (2003) and global mobility is on the rise. At the same time we are also witnessing increasing intensification of border control in various parts of the world. This has given rise to a global ‘industry’ that makes migration accessible to those whom States have identified as unauthorised migrants. The global migration industry involves all sorts of actors, including transnational criminal organisations, often referred to as human smugglers. Even though the body of academic literature on human smuggling is growing, the field (still) suffers from sensationalist media accounts, public and political agendas that want to ‘fight’ smuggling, and difficulties in generating data. The empirical work that is available on human smuggling is disciplinary bound, and often regionally focused or case study based. This chapter provides an overview of various disciplinary readings of the literature on human smuggling and identifies the gaps in the literature.
This chapter argues that the complex production–migration structure in which nation-States are immersed should be examined to develop alternative conceptions of regulation vis-à-vis labour recruitment. It analyses the links between labour recruitment and forced labour in a context in which global production is being driven by global supply chains that are geographically dispersed and fragmented, by incorporating recruiters’ and workers’ agency. One of the key factors that lead to forced labour situations lies in variegated recruitment pathways which incorporate workers into global production. By addressing how different forms of labour recruitment lead to forced labour and related phenomena, the chapter shows how formal and informal migration regimes constrain migrants’ agency in different ways. Building on examples from field research on farm labour contractors in California and recruitment agencies in Malaysia and Qatar, the chapter unpacks the nuanced forms in which labour recruitment is still a key challenge for the globalisation of migration.